THE EFFICACY OF SEXUAL ORIENTATION TRAINING

IN LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES

by

Chuck Stewart, Ph.D.

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____________

A Dissertation Presented to the

FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

In Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

(Education)

May 1995

Copyright 1995 Chuck Klenzing Stewart

Prologue and Acknowledgments

In 1992, I was contacted by the Los Angeles Gay and Lesbian Police Advisory Task Force concerning their desire to have a curriculum on sexual orientation training written for use at the Los Angeles Police Academy. This event changed my life. I had just completed my masters in education with a thesis titled Homosexuality and Public Education where I examined some of the legal decisions surrounding gay and lesbian teachers and the discussion of homosexuality in public school. I was interested in pursuing a Ph.D. in education and very much concerned with teaching methods that effectively reduce homophobia. But I was blocked, since a venue in which to conduct research in public education does not exist. I discovered that no school or school system has workshops or in-service trainings targeting the reduction of homophobia. A few schools have counseling and educational programs for identified gay and lesbian students, but no organized effort is made to inform teachers, administrators or parents about gay and lesbian issues and to effect positive changes in attitudes, feelings and behavior.
Writing the 175-page curriculum and teaching package opened the door to law enforcement. Because of changes in California state law, sexual orientation was mandated to be included in the 24-hour minimum cultural awareness programs taught at all police basic academies. Thus, a venue opened up in which to conduct research.
Immediately after writing the curriculum I started to receive phone calls from other cultural awareness training program administrators across the nation wanting to know what constituted effective training. Since I had not started my own research, I was unable to reply but was impressed by the overwhelming need to find some answers. During the review of the literature, I was floored by the lack of researchnot only on police cultural awareness training, but even trainings in public schools. Police academies, public schools, and businesses constantly engage in trainings designed to "sensitize" employees to particular groups of persons (sometimes referred to as Human Relations Training, Cultural Awareness Training, Multi-Cultural Education), yet none of these programs are ever assessed for effectiveness. Instead, these programs are held up as a badge of pride that the organization is addressing sensitive issues, but they are never formally assessed.
Many people have assisted in the development of this dissertation. My Ph.D. committeeDr. Nelly Stromquist (Chair), Dr. Walter Williams, and Dr. William Tierneyhas been invaluable in preparing the dissertation in a form that hopefully will lead to it being published. It is Dr. Walter Williams who originally encouraged me to attend USC for the masters and Ph.D. and has never failed as my champion. I am grateful that he gave the opportunity to write a chapter in his forthcoming edited book, Overcoming Heterosexism: Strategies that Work. At first I was hesitant to attend USC because of its reputation for being a conservative institution. I had interviewed many other educational institutions but was continually warned that my topic was too controversial and that would jeopardize my chances for a Ph.D.. For example, at one major university in Southern California, the dean of the education department closed his office door when we met and shared in a hushed voice that his son was gay. He predicted major battles in the department over my topic but that he would back me 100%. At USC, different department heads and deans encouraged me to attend. All these men were able to say the "gay" or "homosexual" words without that perceptual pause that most people stutter. Thus, I want to thank the entire USC education department for their continued support. This is important research.
I received some important financial support for the field portion of the research. Both the California Peace Officers Standards and Training (POST) and the Los Angeles Gay and Lesbian Police Advisory Task Force helped to cover travel expenses while collecting data. From these organizations, I thank Dave Spisak, Frank Patino, Jim Tarver, Dr. Marsha Tarver, Sandra Farrington-Dominguez, John Ferry, Donna Wade, and Art Mattox. Of course, I must thank all the participating California police academies and agencies who allowed me to conduct research at their institutions. Many of them bent over backwards to accommodate my needs, plus being pleasant to work with. They impressed me with their professionalism and their intense desire to make cultural awareness training viable and the best that it can be.
Finally, there are my family and friends who have seen me through this project. The strength of convictions role-modeled by my parents Dr. John and Margaret Stewart, my sister Dr. Bonnie Stewart and my best friend Norman Kolpas, encouraged me to never lose sight from achieving my goal. Special thanks go to Jim Dochterman, Barry Waldron, Katie and Jake Kolpas, Lilo Zuckerman-Loftin, Steven Douglas, Mark Sherwin, Dr. Virginia Uribe, Frank Carrillo, Shelly Diamond and Barbara Belmont of Los Angeles Gay and Lesbian Scientist (of which I am co-chair), Jim Owens, Dean Moffat, and Shane Martin.
I dearly hope that this research will help educators conduct more effective trainings on sexual orientation. We must overcome homophobia.
.c.Table of Contents

Prologue and Acknowledgments ii
List of Tables v
Appendices vi
CHAPTER 1 THE PROBLEM AND ITS EXPLICATION 1
Purpose of the Study 5
Importance of the Study 5
Research Questions 5
Conceptual Assumptions 6
Methodology 6
Methodological Assumptions 7
Delimitations 7
Limitations 7
Bibliography 8
CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 10
Issue 1 What is Cultural Awareness Training? 10
Issue 2 Why is Training Conducted on Sexual Orientation? 10
Issue 3 What are the Goals for Sexual Orientation Training? 15
Issue 4 How is Training "Effectiveness" Assessed? 17
Issue 5 What Specific Elements Comprise Effective Sexual Orientation Training? 20
Issue 6 How are Police Culture and Administrative Structures Related to the Effectiveness of Sexual Orientation Training? 21
Synergy on Sexual Orientation Training 23
Bibliography 26
CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY 32
Overall Design 33
Quasi-Experimental Research Instrumentation 34
Qualitative Research 36
Bibliography 39
CHAPTER 4 RESEARCH DESCRIPTION, QUALITATIVE AND EMPIRICAL RESEARCH FINDINGS 40
Section 1 Qualitative and Non-Instrumental Empirical Research 40
Site #1 43
Site #2 50
Site #3 55
Site #4 56
Site #5 61
Site #6 68
Site #7 74
Site #8 81
Site #9 84
Participants Suggestions for Assessing the Effectiveness of Sexual Orientation Training 88
Program Suggestions Made by Interviewees 90
What Forces Contribute Most to the Acceptance of Gays and Lesbians? 91
"Appropriate" Police Behaviors in Gay and Lesbian Scenarios 92
Section 2 Instrumental Empirical Research 94
Section 3 Homophobia Level Estimate 101
CHAPTER 5 SUMMARIES, CONCLUSIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS 103
Summaries 103
Research Questions Reviewed 106
Conclusions 111
Recommendations 114
Bibliography 115

.c2.List of Tables

Table 4.1 Sexual Orientation Training Observation SummaryActivity, Time and Student Involvement. 41-42

Table 4.2 Pre- and Post-Test Mean PERQ Scores of Heterosexual Students Attending Sexual Orientation Training 96

Table 4.3 Pre- and Post-Test PERQ Scores of Homosexual Students Attending Sexual Orientation Training 97

Table 4.4 PERQ Scores of Heterosexual Police Officers and Administrators Not Attending Sexual Orientation Training 98

Table 4.5 PERQ Scores of Homosexual Police Officers Not Attending Sexual Orientation Training 98

Table 4.6 PERQ Scores of Heterosexual Community Members Not Attending Sexual Orientation Training 99

Table 4.7 PERQ Scores of Homosexual Community Members Not Attending Sexual Orientation Training 99

Table C1 Instructional Time and Activity Schedule 133

Table C2 Times Spent at Each Level of Student Involvement and Percent of Total Time that Represents 136

Table D Compliance of Observed Instructional Methodology to Education Theory 139

Table E1 Indicator of Levels of Homophobia 146

Table E2 Training Site #1 147

Table E3 Training Site #2 150

Table E4 Training Site #3 152

Table E5 Training Site #4 153

Table E6 Training Site #5 155

Table E7 Training Site #6 157

Table E8 Training Site #7 160

Table E9 Training Site #8 162

Table E10 Training Site #9 163

.c2.Appendices

APPENDIX A PERQ PART 4 Gender Identity, Sexual Identity, Emotional Identity 116

APPENDIX B PERQ PART 6 Police Behavioral Scenarios on Homosexuality (PBSH) 118

APPENDIX C Documentation of Sexual Orientation Training at Nine California Police Agencies and Academies 122

Comparison of Instructional Times for 8 Different Police Sexual Orientation Trainings 133

APPENDIX D Educational Analysis of 8 Different Police Sexual Orientation Trainings 137

APPENDIX E Qualitative and Instrumental Data / Levels of Homophobia Tables 144

APPENDIX F Comprehensive Program and Instructional Model for "Training on Socially Stigmatized Communities" 165

Training Program 167

Recommendations to Overcome Police Homophobia 178

Resources 183

Training on sexual stigmatized communitiesChecklist 185

.c.CHAPTER 1 THE PROBLEM AND ITS EXPLICATION

Virtually every law enforcement agency in the United States performs some type of cultural awareness training for new recruits. These training programs often include race, ethnicity, gender and occasionally sexual orientation issues. Although police agencies agree that cultural awareness trainings are important, very few have performed an analysis of their existing programs and none have ever published their findings. Police departments often cite cultural awareness training programs as evidence of their efforts to improve the effectiveness of their officers but without themselves becoming vested in the program goals. There are major problems with cultural awareness training programs stemming from confusion over program goals, training methodologies, "effectiveness" assessment, which groups to include in training, and core problems as to the very basic definition of what is "cultural awareness training."
Law enforcement cultural awareness training programs are often called, "human relations training," "diversity training," "sensitivity training," "multicultural education training," besides others. Part of the confusion originates from historical influences and the differences in emphasis by law enforcement agencies. Californias Peace Officers Standards and Training (POST) uses the nomenclature "cultural awareness" (CA) and "cultural awareness training" (CAT) which will be used in this research. Chapter 2 will discuss the historical and conceptual differences in these terms and propose a clearer definition of cultural awareness training.
The concern for cultural awareness training has been generated by a growing tension between police and certain minority groups. Police work is recognized to be inherently discriminatory in its operation (Bittner, 1980), conservative in nature (Barlow, 1993; Paternoster & Bynum, 1982; Barlow, Barlow, & Chiricos, 1993; Miller, 1980; Quinney, 1974; Manning, 1988; Platt, et al., 1982; Klockars, 1988) and focuses primarily on street crime. Police most often interact with lower income groups as victims and suspects. Changes in the general racial and ethnic makeup in the US ("minorities" will comprise a majority of the population by the year 2000 (Johnston, & Packer, 1991)) have exacerbated the disproportional composition of ethnic minorities in offender populations. Certain minorities have experienced restrictions on their freedoms and an alienation from the American dream because of the lack of financial and social improvements which were partly caused by the conservative political movement of the 1980s. These actions have "contributed to efforts by [blacks], gays/lesbians, Hispanics and women to seek greater empowerment. Part of the empowerment issue is to gain equal treatment and protection from the police" (Barlow, 1992).
The need for increased cultural awareness training comes from additional sources. During the 1970s, police community relations programs including cultural awareness programs were reduced in size and redirected toward crime prevention units and DARE programs. Police agencies decided to allot more time and money to meet the changes in technology, officer survival training, computers, equipment purchases and seminars. At the same time citizen complaints against police officers and hate crime reporting increased dramatically, primarily in the area of racial, ethnic and sexual orientation discriminations (see the annual Los Angeles County Commission on Human Relations, Hate-Crime Report (1991); National Gay & Lesbian Task Force annual, Anti-Gay Violence, Victimization & Defamation, (1989-92)). Obviously, the reduced effort by police in cultural awareness training was not meeting the challenges or demands of the community they served.
Juvenile justice practitioners have also become increasingly concerned with the issue of cultural awareness training. The Committee on Minorities and Juvenile Justice in New Jersey (American Correctional Association (ACA) and Police Executive Research Forum (PERF), 1992, p. 9) found that bias toward minority youth could be identified by the following; (1) "the over-representation of minorities at all stages of juvenile delinquency cases," (2) the unequal distribution of available services between minority and non-minority youth, and (3) minorities are more often channeled into correctional facilities whereas their white counterparts are directed toward private treatment facilities.
In an attempt to assess the extent to which law enforcement agencies have addressed cultural awareness training, the ACA & PERF performed the first large-scale national survey of police agencies regarding their efforts in the area of cultural awareness training. Curricula were collected and questionnaires filled out from many large police departments throughout the US. and reported in the Preliminary Report on Training In Cultural Difference for Law Enforcement / Juvenile Justice Officials (1992). They found that there is a belief in law enforcement agencies that:

cultural awareness must be developed if the United States is to compete successfully on the world market and maintain social order and harmony among its citizens. Recognizing this fact, the move to instill cultural awareness has become socially, economically and politically correct for many segments of our society; however, there still remains a tremendous amount of work to be done. (ACA & PERF, 1992, p. 7).

Thus, there is a strong belief that cultural awareness is essential for modern police agencies and that cultural awareness training is an important element for developing cultural awareness. But what are the characteristics of "effective" cultural awareness programs and the elements of "effective" cultural awareness training? Unfortunately, there are no published reports by any police agency or training institution on the assessment of program and/or training effectiveness. That is not to say that police researchers do not claim to know what makes for program and training effectiveness. Many authors, including the ACA & PERF (1992) report, outline elements of "effective" cultural awareness training programs (ACA & PERF, 1992, p. 24; Cizon, 1970; Siegal & Senna, 1991). Even critics of cultural awareness training programs often make their own suggestions on how to improve training effectiveness (St. George, 1991); however, none of these claims are substantiated by clear research.
The question of "effectiveness" is a major problem for cultural awareness programs in police agencies. Four approaches are possible for assessing training "effectiveness:"
1. A community approach evaluates the reduction in the number of citizen complaints and lawsuits against police. But are either of these measures directly related to the "effectiveness" of the cultural awareness training? Not necessarily. The reporting of hate crimes is a prime example where the explosion of reported incidents may be related to citizen knowledge of the law and police efforts to make reports, instead of an increase in such crime. Previously, this kind of violence was not even reportable.
2. A police approach usually involves student evaluations of the training. Researchers have concluded, however, that 90% of what is taught in the academy has no relationship to the actual demands of the job, and that no single educational experience has any direct relationship to police performance (Shelden, 1982). Student evaluations of training may not indicate their actual behaviors on the job and subsequently the effectiveness of training.
3. An instrumental empirical assessment strategy attempts to measure shifts in attitudes, feelings and behavior, but may be inconclusive about changes resulting from short-term training.
4. An education theory assessment of training "effectiveness" can be made by analyzing how closely training matches theory. This study proposes to use the psycholinguistic/humanist educational perspective. Originally, this theory evolved from research on how people learn languages and has primarily been used to develop "holistic" reading programs.
(See Chapter 2 for a development of these four approaches.)
Besides the general lack of research, there is much confusion as to what the goals of cultural awareness programs for police should be. Confusion exists not only regarding the appropriate goals of such programs, but also what constitutes "cultural awareness." For example in California, the enabling legislation for police training on cultural awareness (SB 2680 and AB 401) states that the goal of cultural awareness training is to provide "adequate instruction on racial and cultural diversity in order to foster mutual respect and cooperation between law enforcement and members of all racial and cultural groups . . .[and that] "cultural diversity" include, but are not limited to, gender and sexual orientation issues." As interpreted by The California Commission of Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST), their Guidelines for Law Enforcements Design of Cultural Awareness Training Programs (February, 1992, p. ii) states, "The purpose of cultural awareness training is to focus on principles that hold promise for moving California law enforcement to a higher level of understanding, acceptance, and appreciation for our diversity." A review of other state cultural awareness programs (ACA & PERF, 1992) reveals a similar wide-range of goals that are either ambiguous or unrealistic. Terms such as "heighten sensitivity of officers," "increase awareness," or "know how to treat each member of the community" are used to state the goals of the program. "Often the goals are broad, sociologically based, and unmeasureable" (St. George, 1991, p.8).
Confounding the vagueness over goals is a lack of agreement within the law enforcement community as to which groups or issues are to be addressed through cultural awareness programs. The ACA & PERF (1992) report found that approximately one-third of the responding police agencies did not train on any one specific cultural or ethnic group, but rather "focused on more general issues of tolerance, diversity, prejudice reduction and changing demographics" (p. 22). Approximately half of the responding police agencies included African-American and Asian groups. Sexual orientation seems to be the most recent addition to cultural awareness programs. Less than ten percent of the responding police agencies included gay, lesbian, and/or gender issues in training. Most police cultural awareness programs do not address the individual differences of minorities or the special needs of gays and lesbians. Many police cultural awareness training programs "come right off a training shelf, indicating that the material covered in the program must be broad enough to relate to a number of training audiences, and thus making the programs generic and not relevant to the participants" (St. George, 1991, p. 12). In some cases, the state mandates the topics and issues to be covered during cultural awareness training. In California, the minority groups to be covered are mandated by state law, but has delegated Peace Officers Standards and Training (POST) to train personnel from police agencies in methods to assess the particular agencys cultural awareness needs. It is then up to each agency to conform to the law through implementation of their own cultural awareness program. Subsequently there is wide variation in the content and methodology of the cultural awareness training programs.
Implementation of cultural awareness training programs within law enforcement agencies is similarly inconsistent. "The amount of training ranged from short roll-call training sessions to 16-hour plus blocks provided to agency employees" (ACA & PERF, 1992, p. 23). Most police agencies do not train all employees equallyrecruits being trained more often than line officers, supervisors or civilian employees. Also inconsistent is who provides the training instruction. Police academy staff performed instruction most often, although minority group representatives, government representatives, private consultants and police employees who are minority group members have also been used. When it comes to training materials and methodologies, "materials used for training for police agencies varied greatly . . . [as well as] training approaches" (ACA & PERF, 1992, p. 24). One major content area that is unresolved deals with appropriate police behaviors in situations that include gay and/or lesbian contact. Nels Klyver, Ph.D., Training Administrator for the Los Angeles Police Department, stated in 1992 that, "We do not care what attitudes police officers have, we only care about their behavior." Finally, the interplay of administration support and diversity program effectiveness has been suggested but not measured. For example, in a survey of 130 participants in the California POST Cultural Awareness Facilitators training (Stewart, 1993), it was found that support and commitment from the administration were the primary obstacles to development and implementation of the training program. However, a direct measure of the impact that administration support had on program effectiveness was not performed, leaving unclear the degree to which administrative organizational structures are important.
Police agencies have engaged in cultural awareness training for more than 20-years. Because of the delicate nature of the subject, programs are rarely scrutinized or criticized by trainers or supervisors. Yet officers informally criticize the trainings and those who are responsible for implementing the programs often do not take the subject seriously. Why is there such a negative backlash and resistance from the officers? "For many officers, the title of the training alone sends a message that they are viewed as insensitive. The notion that police are insensitive is repugnant to many officers who have been involved in pulling victims from car crashes, talking people out of suicide, and helping to deliver babies" (St. George, 1991, p. 8). Lee Brown (1973) identified four additional reasons why police cultural awareness programs often fail:

(1) many were hastily established because it was "fashionable" to have one; (2) many were created exclusively to "prevent riots"; (3) often the programs became the dumping grounds for misfit officers; and (4) because of the historical context in which they were formed (1960s), the programs were looked upon as programs geared specifically for Blacks." (p. 22).
A continuing problem with cultural awareness programs within police agencies is how they are perceived by the officers. Instead of trainings being seen as opportunities to become "better" officers by learning about different cultures and personal biases, they are often perceived to be forms of punishment imposed upon them through outside political pressures. Police attitudes, feelings, as well as police culture have significant impact on the acceptance of sexual orientation training.
To summarize, there is much confusion and many problems facing implementation of cultural awareness training programs within law enforcement agencies. These include:
1. A major stumbling block to developing and implementing cultural training programs is the lack of support from police administration.
2. Goals are often vague, broad and all-encompassing and presented as the solution to police-community conflict.
3. Which groups and what topics to be covered within cultural awareness is unclear and no process has been identified to help police make such determinations.
4. How cultural awareness training programs are implemented varies widely from police agency to police agency.
5. Measurements of training "effectiveness" are faced with many challenges.

.c3.Purpose of the Study;: The purpose of this study is three-fold: (1) to identify the key elements that make sexual orientation training programs within law enforcement agencies "effective," (2) to develop and test an assessment model based on psycholinguistic and humanistic education theory, and (3) to document some of the actual attempts at conducting sexual orientation training as future reference for other researchers, oversight organizations, and instructors.
.c3.Importance of the Study;: This study should prove useful to individuals responsible for the development and implementation of cultural awareness programs within law enforcement agencies. Police administrators, curriculum developers and cultural awareness trainers should be able to use the results of this study to improve their existing cultural awareness training programs.
There are several reasons why this research will be of interest to police agencies. First, many states are in the process of implementing legislation requiring every police agency within their state to include cultural awareness training; however, cultural awareness training takes on a wide range of topics and pedagogy with little consensus regarding content and scope. Thus, state police regulatory commissions would find this research helpful in designing state-wide guidelines for the implementation of cultural awareness training programs, particularly on sexual orientation training. Second, national agencies such as the American Correctional Association (ACA) and the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) are in the process of developing curricula on cultural awareness training for implementation nation-wide. Not included in their research is an assessment component of their final product. This research should dovetail with their efforts and combine to make for more effective national guidelines. Third, it is at the local level that training actually takes place. Each police agency has to decide how to meet the national and state guide-lines and this research should help integrate all levels of police training.
In addition, public schools and private businesses in the process of developing their own cultural awareness training programs, should be able to use this study to create effective programs. And finally, schools of education will find this research to be invaluable in their efforts to develop appropriate curricula for teaching cultural awareness.
.c3.Research Questions;: This study seeks to answer the following questions:
1. What are the goals of sexual orientation training as expressed by the community, police personnel and program instructors? How are these goals related to the training actually delivered in law enforcement agencies? How are these goals related to training effectiveness?
2. Of the four possible assessment strategiescommunity assessment, police assessment, instrumental empirical assessment, and psycholinguistic/humanistic education theory assessmentwhich ones provide the best estimate of sexual orientation training effectiveness in law enforcement environments?
3. How is law enforcement agencys culture related to the acceptance of sexual orientation training? How does the agencys culture influence training effectiveness? What administrative organizational structures provide the most support for effective sexual orientation training development and implementation?
4. Within a sexual orientation training program, what are the parameters that make the program most successful? For exampleWhat are the contents of the trainings? What training methodologies are to be used? Who should conduct the training? How long should trainings last? Who should attend the trainings?
5. Often police administrators claim that they do not care what attitudes and beliefs officers hold, but rather that their behavior be appropriate. A major training content question is what behaviors are law enforcement personnel expected to demonstrate in different work scenarios that involve gay and/or lesbian contact? Are these behaviors taught as part of an effective training program?
.c3.Conceptual Assumptions;: The following conceptual assumption is implicit in this study:
1. That there is a general set of "best" criteria for effective sexual orientation training.
2. That by examining the criteria of other police agencies and working professionals in the field of sexual orientation training, a valid way of determining the criteria is possible.

.c2.Methodology

All California police recruits and officers are required by law to participate in cultural awareness training. Purely experimental research methodologies are therefore impossible because of the lack of a control group and randomization of the test subjects. Also, cultural awareness training is not standardized throughout the state. Wide variations in the course content, length of course, teaching pedagogy, etc., make assumptions about treatment similarities problematic.
The methodology proposed for this research is to combine quasi-experimental analysis of cultural awareness training courses, education theory analysis of training observations along with qualitative measures of police academy/agency cultures. Using the findings of these methodologies and comparing the similarities and differences between different police settings should lead to a deeper understanding about the elements needed for effective training on sexual orientation.
Sexual orientation training together with other cultural awareness trainings will be observed at a number of California police agencies and academies. Although it would be preferable to conduct research with agencies representing a broad-spectrum of law enforcement environments in California, participation is voluntary and thereby most likely under-representative of agencies who have minimally implemented the legal requirements for cultural awareness training. Assessment instruments will be given training participants before and after sexual orientation training. These instruments include attitudinal, emotional, knowledge base, identities, and behavioral measures (See Chapter 3 for details about these instruments). The quasi-experimental portion of the research is modeled after Isaacs & Michaels (1981) Design 1One Group PretestPost-test Design. Appropriate statistical tests will be used to determine whether there are statistically significant changes between pre- and post-testing. Besides the quasi-experimental portion of the research, qualitative research will be conducted in order to flesh out the meaning of the training experience. Each training will be observed, training participants will be asked to volunteer for interview, key informants will be interviewed from the training staff and agency administration, police ride-alongs in the locales gay community will be scheduled, interviews will be conducted with leaders of the gay and lesbian community, and documents concerning training and the administrative implementation of cultural awareness programs will be obtained and reviewed.
Triangulation between the sources of qualitative data will provide an accurate picture on the status of gays and lesbians within the police agency. Class observations will be compared and analyzed against education theory. Comparing all these sources of data will allow conclusions to be made concerning the effectiveness in the overall cultural awareness program and the sexual orientation training in particular.
.c3.Methodological Assumptions;: The following methodological assumptions are implicit in this study:
1. Many important selection criteria are adequately represented in the survey.
2. The parts of the training that are memorable and stand-out for their strengths are in fact "effective."
3. The stratified random sample is truly representative of personnel throughout the agency and the results of this survey are generalizeable to at least California.
4. The participants will respond honestly and accurately and their responses reflect their actual practice on the job.
5. Maturation (psychological) of the participants is expected to be a significant contributor to the change in attitude.
.c3.Delimitations;: The following delimitations are noted:
1. Only personnel within law enforcement agencies or their liaison will be sampled.
.c3.Limitations;: The following limitations are noted:
1. California police agencies may not be representative of other parts of the nation, thereby limiting the generalizablility of the study.
2. To the degree that the methodological assumptions set forth were not met, the internal and external validity of the study would be limited.
3. The sustained attitude change effected by the program may not be fully apparent over the short period of time this study is conducted.
.c3.Bibliography

American Correctional Association (ACA) & Police Executive Research Forum (PERF). (1992, September). Preliminary report on training in cultural difference for law enforcement / juvenile justice officials.
Barlow, D.E. (1992, March). Cultural sensitivity training; Rediscovered. Paper presented at the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences Meetings, Pittsburgh.
Barlow, D.E., Barlow, M.H., & Chiricos, T.G. (1993). Long economic cycles and the history of criminal justice in the U.S. Crime, Law and Social Change, 19, 143-169.
Bittner, E. (1980). The functions of the police in modern society. Cambridge, MA: Olegeschlager, Gunn, and Hain.
Brown, L. P. (1973). The death of police community relations. Washington, D.C.: Institute for Urban Affairs and Research.
California Commission on Peace Officers Standards and Training (POST), (1992, February). Guidelines for law enforcements design of cultural awareness training programs.
Cizon, F.A., & Smith, W.H.T. (1970). Some guidelines for successful police-community relations training programs. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Isaac, S. & Michael, W.B. (1981). Handbook in research and evaluation. San Diego: Edits Publishers. Also see Van Dalen, D.B. (1979). Understanding educational research (4th ed.). New York: MacGraw-Hill. (Adapted from Cambell, D.T., & Stanley, J.C. (1966). Experimental and quasi-experimental designs for research. Chicago: Rand McNally and Company.
Johnston, W., & Packer, A. (1991). Workforce 2000: Work and workers for the 21st Century. Indianapolis, Indiana: Hudson Institute.
Klockars, C.B. (1988). The rhetoric of community policing. In Greene and Mastrofkis (Eds.) Community Policing: Rhetoric or Reality. New York: Praeger.
Klyver, N. (1992). Personal correspondence to C. Stewart.
Los Angeles County Commission on Human Relations. (1991). Hate-crime report 1991.
Manning, P. (1988). Community policing as a drama of control. In Greene and Mastrofkis (Eds.) Community Policing: Rhetoric or Reality. New York: Praeger.
Miller, M.B. (1980). At hard labor: Rediscovering the 19th Century prison. In Platt and Takagi (Eds.) Punishment and penal discipline: Essays on the prison and the prisoners movement. San Francisco: Crime and Social Justice Associates.
National Gay & Lesbian Task Force. (1989-92). Anti-gay violence, victimization & defamation.
Paternoster, R., & Bynum, T. (1982). The justice model as ideology: A critical look at the impetus for sentencing reform. Contemporary Crisis, 6, 7-24.
Platt, et al., (1982). The iron fist and the velvet glove: An analysis of the U.S. police. 3rd. Ed.. San Francisco: Crime and Justice Associates.
Quinny, R. (1974). Criminal justice in America: A critical understanding. Boston: Little, Brown and Co.
Shelden, R. (1982). Criminal justice in America: A sociological approach. Boston: Little, Brown and Co.
Siegal, L.J., & Senna, J.J. (1991). Juvenile delinquency: Theory practice and law. St. Paul: West.
St. George, J. (1991, November 30). Sensitivity training needs rethinking. Law Enforcement News, 17, 347.
Stewart, C.K. (1993, October 4). POST cultural awareness survey. Paper presented at the Comparative and International Education Society, Los Angeles, CA.
.c.CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Sexual orientation training in law enforcement uncovers a number of policing and educational issues that are unclear and unresolved by traditional cultural awareness training. This section will look at six broad interconnecting issues. At the end of this section, the issues will be combined into a coherent strategy for evaluating the effectiveness of sexual orientation training.

.c2.Issue 1 What is Cultural Awareness Training?

Shane Martin (1993) conducted a thorough literature review on the issue of cultural awareness (he used the term "multicultural education," which will be used in this section only). He found that there is a great deal of ambiguity about what is multicultural education and that much of the confusion stems from the historical evolution in education of integrating multiple cultures into schools. Originally viewed as an add-on program, attempts are currently being made to address multiculturalism with a holistic approach. This includes considering ethnicity and culture when diagnosing students needs or assessing their performance (Gay 1979; 1983). Grant & Sleeter (1985) proposed five models or typologies to describe current attempts at multicultural education; (1) Ethnic Studies (multiculturalism treated as separate subject), (2) Human Relations (aimed at prevention of conflict between members of different ethnic groups), (3) Education of the Culturally Different (attempts to increase home/school cultural compatibility but unavoidably classifies the home culture as the "other"), (4) Education That is Multicultural (teach students to value cultural differences and to accept others right to be different), and (5) Social Reconstructionist (teach students to analyze critically why some groups are oppressed and to take an active role in restructuring unequal relationships). The Human Relations model is the most prevalent form of multiculturalism education found in schools and cultural awareness training used by law enforcement.

.c2.Issue 2 Why is Training Conducted on Sexual Orientation?

The discussion of cultural awareness rarely distinguishes between the unique needs of different groups. Racism is usually treated the same as sexism, xenophobia, ethnocentrism, and heterosexism; however, each bigotry has its unique characteristics, emerges from specific historical developments and is locally situated. American gay and lesbian rights are following a similar political development as did the Civil Rights Movement for African-Americans. Yet, there are unique differences. Gays and lesbians are not a "visible" minority in the same sense that racial minorities are "visible." Few gays and lesbians fit the physical stereotype that our culture uses to identify and stigmatize homosexuals. It is possible for gays and lesbians to "pass" as straight and be invisible to most Americans.
Gays and lesbians have many of the psychological scars similar to those of persecuted religious minorities. But even this analogy is not complete. Whereas the religious minority family will emotionally support their child, homosexual children discover that they are not the same as their parents or siblings and learn that their core sexual identity is something terrible and is never to be shared. Gays and lesbians have the unique experience of growing up in total emotional isolation, even from their family members.
Homosexuals also challenge many of the gender roles of American society. Many people are confused by homosexuals and believe that they want to be the opposite of their sex. They may think men who have sex with other men actually want to be women. Women who have sex with other women threaten male domination. Homosexuals blur the distinction between men and women, question femininity and masculinity, and threaten the patriarchal social structures. Thus, gays and lesbians have some of the same experiences as those who experience racism, discrimination based on religion, and sexism, but with additional dimensions unique to their group.
Furthermore, through formal and informal structures, societies treat gays and lesbians differently than other minority groups. Almost half the states in the United States still have sodomy laws that are primarily used to harass gays and lesbians. Recent attempts to preclude legal protections for gays and lesbians have been made in the states of Oregon and Colorado, and there is continuing debate over gays in the military. Gays and lesbians have legal protection in only six states and a few municipalities, and still experience legal discrimination in most places in the United States with respect to employment, housing, child custody and visitation rights, marriage, the armed forces, and property ownership (Hunter, Michaelson & Stoddard, 1992). Besides these formal discriminations, gays and lesbians experience a daily onslaught of anti-gay sentiments and the reinforcement of heterosexual norms through informal structures such as the media, religion, school activities, library book selections, fraternal organizations, and job advancement.
"Homophobia" is the broad term often used to describe discrimination against gays and lesbians. Originally, homophobia was popularized by Weinberg (1972) and defined by him as "the dread of being in close quarters with homosexuals." Anti-gay sentiments have been labeled by various authors as homoerotophobia (Churchill, 1967), heterosexism (Morin & Garfinkle, 1978), homosexphobia (Levitt & Klassen, 1974), homosexism (Lehne, 1976), homonegativism (Hudson & Ricketts, 1980), antihomosexualism (Hacker, 1971), homohatred (Kirk & Madsen, 1990), and antihomosexuality (Klassen, Williams, & Levitt, 1989). Although these terms were previously used to describe the fear, dislike and distrust of homosexual women and men, "homophobia" gained currency and began to be widely used by professionals and non-professionals alike. In the process, homophobia "lost much of its original precision" (Hudson & Ricketts, 1980, p. 357). The term homophobia, besides being linguistically awkward (since it literally means "fear of sameness"), contains three assumptions; (1) that antigay prejudice and feelings are primarily fear responses, (2) that it is dysfunctional and irrational when manifested in individuals, and (3) that it is situated locally in the individual rather than as a cultural norm. Yet, empirical evidence on homophobia does not corroborate these assumptions (Fyfe, 1983; Herek, 1986a; Nungesser, 1983). For our discussion, "homophobia" will simply mean any negative attitude, belief or action directed against non-heterosexual persons.
Two components that make up the phenomenon of homophobia are: (1) prejudicial attitudes about homosexuals without valid justification, and; (2) discriminatory acts based on sexual orientation. Prejudice and discrimination can be reinforced through social institutions and are said to constitute institutionalized discrimination (Eitzen, 1980). When the discrimination results in segregation of population, this can occur by two means: (1) de jureformalized discrimination through law, and (2) de factoinformal segregation by social custom and business practice. Homophobia is manifest in three forms:
A. Overt: The use of defamatory words, violence, name-calling, verbal abuse and character assassination. (See Comstock, 1991.)
B. Institutional Homophobia: Major social institutions have policies that exclude homosexuals. Blumenfeld & Raymond (1988) identified four examples:
1. GovernmentSame-sex eroticism is still illegal in nearly half the states of the United States with penalties ranging from fines to life imprisonment; there are no national laws protecting the rights of gays and lesbians; many states legally exclude sexual minorities from employment protections, housing discrimination, immigration, rights of child custody, public accommodations, police protection, inheritance, and security clearances; and gays and lesbians cannot be legally married to each other and thus are not accorded tax, insurance, pension and medical advantages accorded heterosexual marriage partners. In addition, public libraries often refuse to carry homosexual literature. (See Harvard Law Review, 1990; Hunter, Michaelson & Stoddard, 1992.)
2. MilitaryAlthough the military is under attack by the courts for excluding and/or discharging homosexuals, the current policy is still exclusionary and establishes a double standard between heterosexual and homosexual personnel. (See Dyer, 1990.)
3. Organized Religious Institutions"If discovered or admitting to be homosexual, priests, rabbis, ministers, and other officials are in many instances stripped of powers and licenses. Officials and parishioners alike have been excommunicated, ostracized, and denied ceremonial participation. Students and novices are often dismissed from parochial schools and orders" (Blumenfeld & Raymond, p. 257; see Swidler, 1993).
4. Medical and Psychiatric ProfessionsUntil 1973, homosexuality was considered a pathology needing to be cured. Even with the changes in the professional organizations policies, many practitioners still attempt to "convert" homosexuals to a heterosexual orientation. Also, physicians usually assume their patients are heterosexual, thereby failing to ask questions or perform tests that are unique to homosexual needs. Hospital visits are often limited to blood relatives leaving out gay and lesbian lovers. Gays and lesbians have been forced to have lobotomies and other medical procedures to "cure" their "disease." (See Gonsiorek & Weinrich, 1991, Chapters 9 & 10.) Relatives have had the right to commit homosexuals to mental institutions solely because of their sexual orientation. (See for example, Greenberg, 1988, Chapter 9; Gonsiorek & Weinrich, 1991, Chapter 7.) And finally, many therapists still consider homosexuality to be unacceptable (Wisniewski & Toomey, 1987; Glenn & Russell, 1986; Casas, Brady, Ponterotto, 1983; Rudolph, 1988(a & b); Coleman & Remafedi, 1989; Iasenza, 1989).
C. Collective or Societal Homophobia: Although not written into law, social codes of behavior are used to oppress homosexuals. Blumenfeld & Raymond (1988) identified eight examples:
1. The Denial of CultureSchools fail to include information about the homosexual orientation of the people discussed in English, history and other classes. In fact, active efforts have been made by historians to falsify historical accounts of same-sex love. For example, Michelangelos grandnephew changed the wording of his uncles sonnets to make them more acceptable (heterosexual) to the public (Boswell, 1980, p. 18.)
2. The Denial of Popular Strength"No matter how many surveys are carried out concluding that a significant percentage of the population is lesbian, gay, or bisexual, and no matter how often these studies are confirmed, there still seems to be a general failure to acknowledge just how many gays or lesbians there really are" (Blumenfeld & Raymond, p. 259).
3. Fear of Over-VisibilitySexual minorities are asked to keep their personal lives to themselves because it is claimed to be "not important." If it truly is not important, why do so many people get upset when it is mentioned? Obviously, what is really being asked is for homosexuals to keep their relationships invisible.
4. Conspiracy to SilenceThe use of a "token" gay or lesbian within an organization is used as evidence that the organization "bent over backwards" to be equitable (Tinney, 1983), when in fact it is an attempt to silence complaints of non-access.
5. Creation of Defined Public SpacesGays and lesbians are ghettoized similar to other minorities.
6. Denial of Self-LabelingIt has taken a long time for society to accept the self-label African-American. It will probably take even longer for society to accept whatever term gays and lesbians select to describe themselves.
7. Negative Symbolism (Stereotyping)Negative myths and stereotyping about gays and lesbians still abound in our society, such as gay men are perceived to be child molesters and lesbians are trying to act as men.
8. Tolerance, Acceptance and HomophobiaTolerance can be a mask to hide basic underlying hatred or fear. Upon reluctantly accepting homosexuals, a patronizing attitude often develops.
Homophobia is multifaceted with emotional, attitudinal and cognitive dimensions and is sometimes better described by the word "homonegativism" (Hudson & Ricketts, 1980, p. 358). Homophobia has its roots in prejudice and discrimination and is manifest overtly, within formal social institutions, and informally, through collective social actions.
In contrast to homophobia, "heterosexism," is the system by which heterosexuality is the assumed societal norm. Heterosexism is so pervasive, it is difficult to detect and is reinforced by parents, teachers, and the media. For example, schools conduct home-coming dances in which it is assumed that the elected king will be male, the queen will be female, and that all participants will couple and dance in heterosexual groups. Heterosexism forces lesbians, gays, and bisexuals to struggle constantly against their own invisibility, which makes social integrating (while maintaining a positive sexual identity) much more difficult. Heterosexism masks the rampant homophobia and anti-gay nature in our society.
In ancient Greece stigma was a physical sign that was cut or burned into the skin of persons to indicate that they were slaves or criminals. Although gays and lesbians are not usually physically mutilated in the Western world, discrimination has resulted in emotional cuts and stigmatization. Allport (1954) enumerated eleven varieties of negative responses to stigmatization, including; obsessive concern, denial, social withdrawal, clowning, slyness and cunning, self-hate, blaming ones own group, discriminating against others, neuroticism, self-fulfilling prophecy, and the excessive striving for status. "Thus many of the more undesirable characteristics often attributed to minorities are not intrinsic but are rather defenses and responses to discrimination. Yet, when these responses occur, they often lead to reinforcement of negative stereotypes and beliefs" (Blumenfeld & Raymond, p. 263). Using Allports model of victimization, responses to homophobia can be predicted. Gays, lesbians and bisexuals grow up in a world that teaches them they are morally repulsive and sick. The negative attitudes become internalized and manifest themselves with denial of ones sexual orientation, attempts to "pass" as heterosexual (e.g., Humphreys, 1972; see also Goffman, 1963), contempt for "obvious" lesbians and gays, distrust of other gays and prejudice toward other minority groups, entering into a heterosexual marriage so as to gain social approval, fear (Garnets, Herek, & Levy, 1990), sadness and anxiety (Dion, 1986), behavioral and somatic reactions (e.g., Bard & Sangrey, 1979; Frieze, Hymer, & Greenberg, 1984; Janoff-Bulman & Frieze, 1983), feelings of being punished for being gay (Bard & Sangrey, 1979; Lerner, 1970), feelings of depressions and helplessness (Janoff-Bulman, 1979), withdrawal from family and friends, and too often suicide (Remafedi, 1987; Jay & Young, 1979; Bell & Weinberg, 1978; Roesler & Deisher, 1972; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1989; Kourany, 1987; Remafedi, Farrow, Deisher, 1991). However, some positive arises from stigmatization include: closer identification with ones own minority group members, support for other minorities, learning to be assertive over obstacles, and challenging the status quo. Many homosexuals convert negative stigmatization to the political identity of "gay" or "lesbian" which explains the reason homosexuals "come out" as part of claiming their rights against heterosexism.
Many of the dynamics presented about homophobia and heterosexism are similar to the dynamics experienced by other oppressed minorities; however, there are significant differences that are real, and have direct consequences for law enforcement. We now will look at the development of police subculture, the maintenance of normative boundaries, and see how these are related to homophobia and heterosexism.
The police subculture emanates from a military model (Sykes, 1989) of training and develops a tunnel-vision perspective of lifean us against them philosophy, and a tendency to see things in dichotomies, as good or bad, black or white, with no gradations of difference between (Riser, 1970). Research has found the militarization of persons into police officers contributes to feelings of insularity, isolation, and in-grouping wherein police only feel understood and comfortable in the company of other officers (Niederhoffer, 1967; Wilson, 1957). Police have been characterized as being authoritative (Blach, 1972; Coleman & Gorman, 1982), prejudiced and bigoted (Bayley & Mendelsohn, 1969; Rafkey, 1973; Rafkey, 1979), needing to be in control (Gudjonsson & Adlam, 1983) and cynical in nature (Lester & Brink, 1985). These characteristics are stereotypes (Adlam, 1982; Atwater, Bernhart, & Thompson, 1980; Cochran & Butler, 1980; Butler, 1982; McNamara, 1967; Bayley & Mendelsohn, 1968; Bent, 1974) often believed by the community and ascribed to by many police personnel.
The research on homophobia indicates that persons who have the most homonegative attitudes and beliefs are authoritarian (Smith, 1971), more conservative and less lenient (Levitt & Klassen, 1974; Hudson and Ricketts, 1980), and adhere to a double sex-standard (MacDonald, 1974) (for the most comprehensive review on homophobia research, see Herek, 1985). Comparing the police stereotype with the research on homophobia indicates that many of the identifying characteristics of police strongly resemble people with severe homophobia. Gays and lesbians and the issues of sexual orientation have unique needs in relationship to police subculture. Training on sexual orientation issues ultimately asks police to tolerate and accept people who are the antithesis of their self-identity.
Sexual orientation, specifically homosexuality, challenges many cultural norms for gender, sexual and affection identities. Society has singled out gays and lesbians for their perceived "differences" and stigmatized them through a number of oppressive social, institutional and cultural mechanisms. Police have historically functioned to conserve the cultural and legal norms (Mohr, 1988), and characteristically displayed severe homophobia (Marotta, 1981) and overt discrimination (Davidson, 1991; Faderman, 1991) toward gays and lesbians. The changes in political power for gays and lesbians has shifted legal and cultural norms toward a less prejudicial and discriminatory position. Police are caught between conserving previous anti-gay norms, including physically bashing and wrongfully arresting gays and lesbians, with their legal responsibility to treat all people equally. Police subcultural norms are also threatened by homosexuals non-conformance to gender and sexual identities.
Gays and lesbians are at an historical juncture (similar to where African-American women were in the 1950s) where the issue of gay rights is at the forefront of political discussion. For police, this means that training on homosexuality constitutes an important and growing endeavor. Furthermore, the inclusion of sexual orientation training challenges the simplified criteria previously used for selecting groups for inclusion in cultural awareness training. Analysis of gay oppression suggests that selection of inclusive groups for training is better related to how groups are stigmatized and their political status rather than attributed to any "inherent differences" of that group. Training on sexual orientation in law enforcement occurs because of gay and lesbian stigmatization and political history. From this perspective, cultural awareness training in law enforcement should shift from the Human Relations model to a more Social Reconstructionist model.

.c2.Issue 3 What are the Goals for Sexual Orientation Training?

In Issue #1, five models were used to described the current attempts at "multicultural education." Implicit to each of these were specific goals. Law enforcement agencies incorporate some of each of these typologies into their cultural awareness programs. As discussed in Chapter 1, the ACA & PERF (1992) report paints a picture of cultural awareness trainings that are treated as separated modules (Ethnic Studies model), aimed at prevention of conflict between police and community members (Human Relations model), sees police subculture as the primary culture and all other cultures as "other" (Education of the Culturally Different model), emphasizes that all people have equal rights and police should tolerate people who are different (Education That is Multicultural model), and occasionally the mechanisms of oppression are analyzed (Social Reconstructionist model).
Historically, the goals for cultural awareness training stemmed from a desire to reduce race riots (Barlow, Barlow, & Chiricos, 1993). The Civil Rights Movement broadened police training to emphasize the equality of all people. Often though, people reject the inclusion of sexual orientation training because they claim that it is not a "legitimate culture" or that other minorities deserve training emphasis. In Issue #2, a discussion on homophobia, heterosexism and police subculture showed the relationship between stigmatization and oppression against gays and lesbians supported by law enforcement. Training on gays and lesbians is not occurring simply because they are a minority interesting to study or that they should be tolerated, but because of the politics of stigmatization. Thus, the goals for sexual orientation training need to emphasize learning about the mechanics of oppression and how to overcome them (a Social Reconstructionist model).
What does it mean to learn about the mechanics of oppression and how to overcome them? Often it is argued that the goal of training should be to change student attitudes. This offends many law enforcement officials. As Nels Klyver, Ph.D., Training Administrator for the Los Angeles Police Department, stated in 1992 that, "We do not care what attitudes police officers have, we only care about their behavior." Is the goal of sexual orientation training to change attitudes, change behaviors, or bothand then change them toward what?
The three main theories of attitudinal change developed by social psychologists include: the Cognitive-Dissonance Theory (Festinger, 1957), the Self-Perception Theory (Bem, 1972) and the Role-Playing Theory (Elms, 1969). The reader should not view these theories as being in competition, but rather complementary to each other.
1. Cognitive-Dissonance Theory (Festinger, 1957)When a persons stated beliefs are discrepant with his/her private beliefs or attitudes on a specific idea, a "dissonance" is said to be aroused because of the inconsistency. This dissonance is thought to motivate people towards restoring a balance between their behavior and their beliefs. It is thought that persons will either change their attitude to be consistent with their behavior, rationalize their behavior, or seek new information so as to justify the apparent discrepancy between their public actions and private beliefs.
2. Self-Perception Theory (Bem, 1972)We can infer attitudes and intent from the actions of others and from observing our own behavior. People want to have a balance between their emotions, their beliefs and their actions. In order to have this balance, the two attribution principles (1) insufficient justification, when people try to understand their behavior and there is insufficient justification to attribute the cause to some external force; and (2) over justification, when people discover that external factors are the cause of their personal actions must also be in balance. Otherwise, the person may attribute the imbalance to their personal beliefs and seek to change them. This is similar to the Cognitive-Dissonance Theory but includes a persons actions and his/her perception of these actions.
3. Role-Playing Theory (Elms, 1969)This theory assumes that the technique of allowing people to play roles they would normally not perform, will yield insights into how others perceive the world and how they might act if they were in the same situation or role.
These three theories share a common concept; that through education (purposely seeking knowledge, observing one's self or playing the role of another) attitudes will change. However, beliefs and attitudes are considered to be difficult to change. Research conducted into attitude formation has found that public behavior that is freely chosen and not coerced and that which is learned, are "extremely powerful and long lasting" (DeJong, 1979). Thus, attitude change must be evaluated within context of the educational change has meaning for the person.
One other issue that needs to be addressed is the controversy over whether changes in attitude enable changes in behavior, or that changes in behavior must precede changes in attitudes. Fishbein (1966) and Fishbein & Ajzen (1975) suggested a "four-step pattern of influence, where beliefs determine attitudes, which determine intentions, resulting in specified behaviors" (Larsen, Reed, Hoffman, 1980, p. 247). In contrast, Guskeys (1986) review of teaching effectiveness suggested the oppositethat changes in behavior (teaching practices) preceded changes in attitudes and beliefs.
So, is it attitudes that affect behaviors or behaviors that affect attitudes? Perhaps the missing element in this debate is the "meaning" of the interaction of behaviors and attitudes? Police research concludes that cynicism, prejudice and isolation increases the longer an officer is on the job, i.e., exposure to environmental elements and engaging in behaviors contrary to academy training result in modification of initial attitudes. The humanist psychological perspective likewise recognizes that attitudes and behaviors are related to the issue of "meaning" (Dembo, 1991). Children who join the club of persons they want to be, will engage in behaviors that both reinforce and challenge their original attitudes resulting in a modification of their attitudes. Yet this is not a one-way process. If the behaviors and attitudes of the club are not what the child wants to be, he/she will change club membership or attempt to modify the clubs to which he/she belongs. Thus, it is "meaning" that influences the development of behaviors and attitudes. This issue should be viewed as being a heuristic, instead of linear, phenomenon. Initial attitudes and behaviors evolve as each interacts with the environment and each other according to the meaning assigned by the individual. Teaching or workshop situations should have goals stated in both behavioral and attitudinal domains and designed to maximize the interaction of attitudes and behaviors within a meaningful exchangean exchange modeled by someone students want to become.

.c2.Issue 4 How is Training "Effectiveness" Assessed?

In Chapter 1, the issue training "effectiveness" suggested that four different perspectives may influence assessment strategies. The following discussion explores each of these perspectives and develops an assessment theory to be tested by this study.
Community Perspective: Sometimes it is suggested that complaints against police, hate crime reports, and discrimination lawsuits are measures of sexual orientation training effectiveness. They are not. Sexual orientation training is just one tool in the battle against homophobia. Community level responses reflect the entire police subculture and the community culture toward gays and lesbians. Ultimately, these are the kinds of problems the gay and lesbian community want to see reduced, but there are many other factors involved besides sexual orientation training that contribute to the change. Thus, community assessment techniques are likely to be unrevealing about training effectiveness.
Police Subculture Perspective: In Issue #2, it was shown that the police subculture is extremely homophobic and that the police stereotypeauthoritarian personality, super-masculine, prejudicial, needing to be in control, and cynicalvirtually matches the characteristics of persons who exhibit severe homophobia. One strategy for assessing sexual orientation training effectiveness would be to measure the changes in police homophobia. These could be macro-changes in the entire police agency or micro-changes in students attending sexual orientation training. Before discussing these two levels, we need to review the attempts to measure "homophobia."
As discussed in Issue #2, "homophobia" has veered from its original definition and often includes more than simply the "fear of being near homosexuals." This broadening of definition is reflected in the many attempts to measure "homophobic" characteristics including homophobia, anti-gay or negative responses to homosexuality, non-homosexual attitudes toward homosexuality, the sexual and affectional orientation of the respondent, feelings about homosexuality, attitude change, and beliefs and behaviors of persons with homosexual experiences. Taken together, four broad categories are most often measured; (1) emotional response to being near a homosexual (homophobia) or thinking about homosexuals, (2) value systems (attitudes) about homosexuality and homosexuals, (3) the sexual and affectional orientation of the respondent, and (4) factual information about homosexuality and homosexuals. It should be pointed out that attitudes and factual information are often treated as being the same dimension by researchers, yet it is still possible for a person to have read a scientific article and know factually that homosexuality is not an illness, yet still believe it to be true and hold attitudes that homosexuals are sick. Hudson & Ricketts (1980), in a review of previous research believed, "it is obvious that many researchers are confusing personal beliefs with emotional response" and that the entire domain of anti-gay responses should be termed homonegativism. They constructed a stricter scale, Index of Homophobia (IHP), that adhered closer to the original definition of homophobia and made use of a 5-point Likert-type scale. This work is probably the best crafted scale and best validated for measuring emotional responses. However, Gentry (1986) argued that the IHP was unclear as to the kind of homosexual being referred in the questions, that all questions were of equal weight and that the final score did not inform as to which items contributed most to the final score. Gentry, instead, proposed an 8-item scale based on Guttman theory.
In 1973, MacDonald & Huggins (see MacDonald, Huggins, Young & Swanson, 1973) created and tested a 28-item Likert-type scaleAttitude Toward Homosexuality Scale (ATHS). The study was designed to investigate two sources of non-homosexuals attitudes toward homosexuality: (a) attitudes determined by conservative standards of sex morality, and (b) attitudes determined by a need to preserve the gender double-standard (as assessed by use of the Sex Role Survey (SOS)), that is, homosexuality is condemned in order to reduce sex-role confusion. The authors found that "[negative] attitudes toward homosexuals are more highly associated with support for a double standard for the sexes than with permissive or nonpermissive attitudes regarding premarital sexual intimacy" (p. 161). The ATHS survey has become the primary instrument used by most researchers to assess attitudes as conceptualized as a set of cognitive beliefs about homosexuality. In subsequent articles (MacDonald & Games, 1974; MacDonald, 1974), deficiencies in the ATHS were worked out and Price (1982) modified the scale (MATH) by simplifying the language to a reading level of grade 11 (± 1.5 grade as determined by the SMOG readability formula) into a form that other researchers used during the 1980s. It should be noted that critics of the scale point out that this scale is multidimensional and deviates from the original definition of homophobia by mixing attitudes with emotional response (Sears, 1992, p. 40).
Sears (1992) constructed a survey designed to test knowledge about homosexuality. This 14-item test included questions from both the behavioral and natural sciences. The Homosexuality Knowledge Index (HKI) reflects the most recent understanding about homosexuality and is carefully constructed in the use of language and genderalthough there are references unique to South Carolina. Sears found that "the more knowledgeable the student, as measured on the Homosexual Knowledge Index, the less negative attitudes toward homosexuality and feelings toward lesbians and gay men were evidenced" (p. 52).
Shively & DeCecco (1993) measured sexual orientation with their Assessment of Sexual Orientation (ASO) using the bi-polar Kinsey (1953) scale as their model, but only for two dimensionsbehavior and feelings. However, the concept of sexual orientation is experiencing a major shift as documented by Coleman (1987). Sexual orientation is viewed to be multi-dimensional and situated both culturally and historically. For example, there are thought to be three psychological components of sexual identitygender identity, social sex-role, and sexual orientation (Shively & De Cecco, 1993) and each of these should be constructed with two independent continua instead of the simpler, bipolar continuum as proposed by Kinsey. Although the expanded perspective of sexual orientation is more inclusive and accurate, the potential confusion to respondents not educated in the evolutionary developments on sexual orientation definitions could result in less accurate measures. It is believed that as students learn more about human sexuality, they will see themselves as being less bi-polar (either exclusively heterosexual or exclusively homosexual).
Again, the question is, will assessing the level of homophobia within the police subculture reveal the effectiveness of sexual orientation training? For the macro-police subcultureno; however, the assessment instruments described above could be used for pre- and post-testing of students attending sexual orientation training. Resultant changes in student levels of homophobia would suggest that the training was effective at changing attitudes, feelings, knowledge and identities. Changes themselves are relatively meaningless unless they are tied to specific educational practices. Thus, we need to discuss education theory and how it is related to changes measured with instrumental questionnaires.
Psycholinguistic/Humanistic Education Perspective: The psycholinguistic revolution influenced by Noam Chomsky (1957; 1965), Stephen Krashen (1982) and Frank Smith (1986), claim that "meaningful" learning is always accomplished much quicker, and persists much longer than programmatic learning. "Meaningful" in the humanist perspective centers around the learner and what they want to become. This is much more than the cognitive psychological definition of the word "meaningful" and it represents more than simply being "relevant." For example, learning how to balance a check book could be made both comprehensible plus relevant (adults know that it is the kind of knowledge all persons need to know in our contemporary society), but if the person has no immediate need for the skill and is not personally involved in becoming the type of person who balances check-books (Frank Smith would call "joining the club of check-book users"), then the lesson does not have meaning for the person and will not be learned.
According to psycholinguists, effective learning occurs when the information is comprehensible, meaningful, and modeled by teachers in an authentic manner, thereby allowing students to form symbiotic relationships with teachers. "Comprehensibility" in this context means information based on what the student knows, prepared for the student (Ausubels [1963] advanced organizers), and is presented in a manner that stretches student understanding just beyond what they currently know (e.g., Vygotskys [1986] zone of proximal displacement, Krashens i+1 Concept). Tied to the students comprehension of their current state of knowledge, is the meaning of that knowledge. Moll, Amanti, Neff & Gonzalez (1992) referred to the meaning of this initial level of knowledge as "funds of knowledge" (historically accumulated and culturally developed bodies of knowledge and skills essential for household or individual functioning and well-being) and they claim that they are the more natural forms of knowledge transmission and yet have been historically ignored by classroom teachers. Particularly, they identified that "funds of knowledge": (1) emerge from networks that are flexible, adaptive and active and may involve multiple persons including those outside the family, and (2) that the reciprocity between persons sharing their "funds of knowledge" establish serious obligations based on the assumption of mutual trust. "Funds of knowledge" are important sources of instructional meaning and our schools often violate these two essential learning sources. "Meaningful," therefore, is that which is important (relevant) to the learner and the type of person the learner wants to become. It is important to emphasize that "the type of person the learner wants to become" is much more than simply a student-teacher relationship in formal schools and that teachers need to "model" behaviors students want to engage. Educational experiences must also be "authentic," i.e., the activity engaged in by teachers and students must be something that adults voluntarily engage in.
How is teaching assessed using psycholinguistic/humanistic educational theory? This is one of the biggest challenges faced by this educational perspective. In public education, particularly in the primary grades, "portfolio assessment" (Wolf, 1989; California Dept. of Education , 1989) has evolved as an attempt to assess "holistic" methodologies (California Dept. of Education, 1993) (the public schools adaptations of psycholinguistic/humanistic perspectives). These kinds of assessments methodologies are not well documented, stress qualitative measures, take considerable time and are difficult for teachers and supervisors to administer (Wiggins, 1989). One of the goals of this study is to develop an assessment model based on psycholinguistic/humanistic educational theory and to test the appropriateness of this model for use in evaluating sexual orientation training in law enforcement environments.
To conclude: Although the ultimate goal for sexual orientation training is better treatment of the gays and lesbians by law enforcement agencies and personnel, measures of these macro-interactions cannot be used to assess effectiveness of the training. Measuring the level of police homophobia (e.g., using the MATH, IHP, HKI and Assessment of Sexual Orientation) may indicate the environment in which training takes place, but again, such assessments are not direct indicators of training effectiveness.
Stone (1982) suggested that both empirical and subjective measurement methodologies are required to accurately assess an educational experience. By focusing on the 4-subprocesses of instruction (comprehensibility, meaningfulness, role-molding and authenticity) and overall class changes, training effectiveness can be assessed. Qualitative assessment methods are most appropriate for evaluating the subprocesses of instruction whereas instrumental empirical assessment are appropriate for evaluating the overall class change. Chapter 3 will detail the methodology used for this research which combines qualitative assessments (including training observations and student interviews) using psycholinguistic/humanistic educational model and instrumental empirical measures of attitude, feeling, knowledge, identity and behavioral changes in a pre- and post-test arrangement.

.c2.Issue 5 What Specific Elements Comprise Effective Sexual Orientation Training?

Now that 4 elements of teaching have been identified through application of the psycholinguistic/humanistic educational perspectives (described in Issue #4), these need to be applied to law enforcement environments in which the goal of a particular educational program is to reduce homophobia. This will help identify the specific elements to be assessed. The following three specific elements represent the logical application of psycholinguistic/humanistic educational theory to law enforcement environments.
Students/Instructors: Having an instructor who is the kind of person students want to become is an important element to effective instruction. Because sexual orientation training is given to different kinds of law enforcement personnel, the choice of instructor needs to reflect the different kinds of students. Theory would suggests, for example, police recruit classes need instructors who are masculine-acting, patrol officers, respected professionals and who are well liked. Middle managers need similar kinds of instructors but they must be of a higher rank than the students. Top management have different self-identities, more academic (many have graduate college degrees) and more managerial. Instructors for top management need to be respected police managers and respected academics.
Content: Theory suggests that course content must reflect the realities of law enforcement work and provide information that not only raises self-awareness about homosexual behavior and political identities, but also about the process of social stigmatization and the role police play in supporting oppressive norms against gays and lesbians. Since homosexuality is not a deficit, it does not be justified or defended. Instead, the causes of oppression must be explored. The model of homophobiaovert, institutionalized, and socialprovides a framework from which to conduct analysis of gay and lesbian stigmatization. These processes of stigmatization are to be presented in the environment of police work.
Methodologies: Psycholinguistic/humanistic educational perspective reflects the social nature of learning. Instruction methodologies need to emphasize individual and group activities leading to self-awareness and problem solving in authentic situations. Pedersen (1988) identified three stages of analysis needed for both the culture being taught, and the students level of understanding in order to determine the correct teaching method.
1. AwarenessFalse awareness of a culture (biases, stereotypes) must be changed and corrected to appropriate attitudes, opinions and assumptions before "multicultural development" can continue.
2. KnowledgeSerious gaps in knowledge and information about a culture need to be filled in before multicultural development can continue.
3. SkillThe ability to interact appropriately with persons from other cultures.
Pedersen believed that most multicultural training programs fail for three reasons:
1. Overemphasizing "awareness" through value clarification techniques or simplistic "good" or "bad" value judgments. "Awareness" without the knowledge or information about how to act is confusing.
2. Overemphasizing "knowledge" results in excessive accumulation of information and frustrates the recipients because they do not see the relevance of the materials (awareness) and they do not know what to do with the information.
3. Overemphasizing "skill" may give the recipient the skills needed to make change, but they are uncertain about why they are making the change and they could possibly make things worse by not having the knowledge to act appropriately.
Theory suggests that these three features comprise effective instruction within law enforcement environments.

.c2.Issue 6 How are Police Culture and Administrative Structures Related to the Effectiveness of Sexual Orientation Training?

In Chapter 1, it was discussed how administrative support for cultural awareness training programs vary widely from agency to agency. Although there are no published reports comparing levels of homophobia between police agencies, it is reasonable to assume that some agencies are less homophobic than others (as indicated by media coverage and as discussed in Issue #2 and Issue #4). Together, the influences of administrative structures, the mechanisms of police culture reinforcement, and levels of homophobia most likely affect sexual orientation training effectiveness. This section first looks at some of the boundary maintenance mechanisms used by police to establish their subcultural norms. Understanding these mechanisms should shed light on how multicultural programs are likewise effected and suggest a model of administrative policies and actions that facilitate overcoming homophobia and the support of sexual orientation training. Qualitative and empirical research performed by this study will attempt to correlate the effectiveness of sexual orientation training with the administrative model.
Police subculture is primarily quasi-militaristic with "masculine" norms (Yarmey, 1990, p. 54) that polarize the world into "us" (police officers) vs. "them" (civilians). It was discovered that these norms are stereotypes that few police officers conform since police psychology reflects conservative beliefs within the dominant culture. However, these stereotypic norms are maintained through cultural boundary maintenance strategies during the three phases of officer developmentthe initial psychological screenings of applicants (Yarmey, 1990, p.33; Pugh, 1985), the cultural socialization process in the academy (McConville & Shepherd, 1992, p. 188; Bayley & Bittner, 1989, p. 103; Manning, 1977, p. 289; Levinson, 1976, p. 23; Scarman, 1981, p. 45), and on the job (McConville, 1992; Gross, 1984).
In California, POST requirements for police emotional suitability states that "applicants shall be judged to be free from job-relevant psychopathology, including personality disorders, as diagnosed by a qualified profession. . . [and listed in the] Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DMS III)" (POST, 1984, p. 5). However, researchers have questioned the validity of psychological screening on a number of grounds, including: a lack of understanding between the psychological constructs and their job-relatedness (Bittner, 1971, p. 82; Saxe & Fabricatore, 1982), lack of basic empirical research (Bittner, 1971, p. 82), the belief that all psychological tests are dubious in value (Spielberger, 1979; Inwald, 1984), the dismissal of psychological testing by many police administrators (Reiser, 1970), and the norming of psychological tests on the dominant culture values (Burbeck & Furnham, 1985; Schonefeld, Kobos & Phinney, 1980). Since there is little consensus about appropriate screening tests for applicants, one could conclude that the primary purpose for the applicant screening process is to act as a "gate-keeper" function and reinforce police cultural norms.
Similarly, the relevance and effectiveness of the police academy is questioned by many researchers (McConville, 1992, p. 190). As stated in Chapter 1, police researchers believe that 90% of what is taught in the police academy has no direct application to the job (Shelden, 1982). It is thought that field training is where trainees learn about "real policing," e.g., to be authoritarian-submissive (Bayley & Bittner, 1989, p.104). Finally, on the job police officers are reinforced toward being suspicious and cynical (McConville & Shepard, 1992, p. 207-8; Reiner, 1985). The socialization process at all three phases of officer development (McConville, 1992, p. 194) place barriers to programs and trainings that ask officers to deviate from police subcultural normsnorms that are typically homophobic (as discussed in Issue #2).
The research on "multicultural programs" in police environments is very sparse. In 1970, Cizon & Smith conducted interviews and discussions with three police agencies completing Police-Community Relations Training (unfortunately they gave no details about how the research was conducted). They identified a number of administrative requirements thought to be effective. After the Rodney King riot of 1991, St. George presented a critical assessment of "sensitivity" training and also suggested administrative requirements she found to be effective for her own instruction. These authors suggested six broad administrative structures necessary to promote multicultural programs:
1. MotivationThe cultural awareness training programs need to provide the skills required to improve police officers effectiveness, and include incentives for participation and attendance by use of compensatory time and promotion.
2. LeadershipLeaders must not only give verbal support and empathy to such cultural awareness training efforts but must also be action-oriented in implementing programs into the educational process and culture of the agency.
3. CultureCultural awareness trainings must be part of a comprehensive program that positively supports open communication and collaboration between police personnel on cultural issues, and between police personnel and community members.
4. Change"The program [cultural awareness training] must make an effort to reach as many of these men [authoritative and power-oriented] as possible" (Cizon & Smith, 1970, p. 35). Power-oriented officers are at odds with the policies of police departments and are also the most difficult to change. "Behavior backed by department policy is more easily accepted. Peer group (fellow officers) pressure is more effective" (Cizon & Smith, 1970, p. 40-41).
5. Conflict Although cultural awareness training programs attempt to change attitudes, the primary function of cultural awareness training programs is to change behaviors. Attitudes are extremely difficult to change (see Issue #3) in the short term, but behaviors can be specified and potential conflict averted through departmental policy and practice. "Attitude change must be encouraged but behavioral change is the immediate goal" (Cizon & Smith, 1970, p. 30).
6. Decision making Officers need to be involved in the planning, development and implementation of cultural awareness training program. Ideas for improvement of the program need to be solicited from the community.
These six administrative structures form a model that can be used to assess the effectiveness of changing police subcultural norms toward being less homophobic. Sexual orientation training, which first occurs during recruit training and later during in-service training, both influences the development and is the result of police subcultural norms and reflects support or non-support of administrative structures. Assessment of administrative structures should correlate with assessment of sexual orientation training effectiveness.

.c2.Synergy on Sexual Orientation Training

This section brings together the six issues discussed in this chapter, summarizes them and develops a comprehensive educational model designed to overcome homophobia set within law enforcement environments. Having such a model facilitates qualitative and empirical research and provides the framework for verification of theory.
For learning to occur, the information must be comprehensible, meaningful, and modeled by teachers in an authentic manner. This applies not only in the formal classroom, but also to all social interactions, since learning takes place continually. In both teaching and administering, the effectiveness of the process is directly related to the serious social obligations precipitated between the participants. It is the meaning associated with the social obligations that allows for learning to occur. The greater the social obligations, the greater the exchange of information, skills, attitudes and behaviors. The effectiveness of the information exchange is related to the skill of the teacher or administrator to model the knowledge, skills, attitudes and behaviors in a comprehensible, meaningful and authentic manner. People form social obligations with other people they see themselves becoming. Learning occurs between people who choose to be like each other. As Frank Smith (1989) said, "You learn from the company you keep."
Police subculture development is often confused because of conflict between several perceptions about policing, and the realities of the job and institution. Recruits enter the police academy with one perspective on policing, the media stereotypeportrayed as super masculine, militaristic, morally righteous, prejudiced, "objective" (as Sergeant Friday of TVs Dragnet says, "Just the facts maam."), and authoritarian. Then, during the training process, they are subjected to a second set of perspectivesinformation is presented on many of the social conflicts faced on the job, the need to learn coping mechanisms with a paramilitary bureaucracy and a hostile community, indoctrination to an authoritarian-submissive psychology, and "objectivity" of enforcing laws that are reinforced through the application of "scientific" methodology. Once on the job, the recruits morale is broken down to the new group codes and reinforced on a daily basis. This third set of on-the-job perspectives denigrates the academy experience, encourages the formation of criminal and behavioral stereotypes, induces cynicism and suspiciousness, and teaches the officer that isolation is an important survival technique. On the path to becoming a police officer, the student has formed various social obligations with people who represent the police role they want to become. Later on the job, not all officers find the social obligations that enable them to continue as officers (almost half of all police officers leave the profession within the first two years). Ultimately, it is the social obligations formed between recruits and officers reflecting a particular agency culture that determines the success of creating a police officer. Recruits learn from the officers they identify with, and officers learn from the administrators they identify with. Administrators establish and maintain their particular police agencys subculture.
The problem faced by police trainers on sexual orientation is that the police subculture is typically very homophobic. The police stereotypeauthoritarian personality, super-masculine, prejudicial, needing to be in control, and cynicalvirtually matches the characteristics of persons who exhibit homophobia. Furthermore, homophobia within the police subculture permeates all levels and is manifested overtly, institutionally and socially. Succinctly, the solution to police homophobia is to have those administrators, officers and recruits who display (model) attitudes and behaviors that are supportive of differing sexual orientations, assist other administrators, officers and recruits through the use of social obligations in manifesting these same attitudes and behaviors. To change police homophobia, ways must be found to foster social obligations between those who display non-homophobic attitudes and behaviors with those who are homophobic. Also, it is necessary to provide those who are non-homophobic with the information and skills needed to assist those who are homophobic to overcome their fears and bigotry. The goal for sexual orientation training is not simply to gain better understanding or greater self-awareness, but to change behaviors and attitudes to ones that are less homophobic.
Within a police context, educational and/or attitude change programs need to consider the following four elements of "effective" learning:
1. ComprehensibleComprehensible input needs to start at the students understanding of gender, sex and police work and be extended toward the programs goal of reducing homophobia. Much of the recent research and literature on sexual orientation is based on advanced feminist theory and many of the concepts are foreign to all but the educated elite. For example, trying to explain sexual orientation variance using the Shively and De Cecco (1993) tri-continua model based upon gender identity, social sex-role, sexual orientation to persons who find Kinseys bipolar model unbelievable, would not be the best starting place. Similarly, starting with a deep analysis of the biological component of sexual orientation is possible only with persons familiar with genetics and biological brain research. Instead, it is best to start with the students own feelings and experiences. The teacher then assists students to a greater understanding of gay and lesbian stigmatization.
2. MeaningfulWhen designing gay and lesbian sensitivity programs, "meaning" is the most overlooked element of the program. The programs typically grew out of political considerations and are often taught by a gay rights advocate who has a personal stake in the program. The program may have meaning for the teacher but this does not automatically imply the program will have meaning for the students. For a program of sexual orientation to have meaning for police officers, it must be relevant to police subculture, and instructors and administrators must manifest non-homophobic attitudes and behaviors as stated in the programs goals. A serious obligation between police members that is non-homophobic must be established. However, a symbiotic relationship between recruits, instructors, officers and administrators will not be achieved by either the police joining the gay subculture or the gay subculture joining the police subculture, but rather with both police and gays joining the same law enforcement culture that is not homophobic.
3. ModeledIt is essential that the leaders of particular police cultures model attitudes and behaviors that are non-homophobic and embracing of sexual diversity. Instructors of sexual orientation training must be the kind of person students want to emulate.
4. AuthenticTreating sexual orientation as a one-time workshop reinforces the belief that it is not related to police work and that it must be endured. In addition to sexual orientation training that uses police based scenarios for students to examine and solve, sexual orientation issues must become part of the daily routine and conversation at the work place. Homosexual behaviors and relationships need to be shared around the "water cooler" on Monday mornings just as heterosexual ones are shared now. On the job, officers need to see other officers display sensitivity toward the gay and lesbian community and eliminate heterosexist assumptions.

Having identified four elements required for "effective" teaching (as proposed by psycholinguistic/humanistic education theory) including administrative support structures and set in law enforcement environments, qualitative and empirical research (as described in Chapter 3) can now be used to test the "effective" teaching model and identify the "effective" elements of sexual orientation training programs.
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.c.CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY

All California police recruits and officers are required by law to participate in cultural awareness training. Purely experimental research methodologies are therefore impossible because of the lack of control groups and randomization of the test subjects. Also, cultural awareness training is not standardized throughout the state. Wide variations in the course content, length of course, teaching pedagogy, etc., make assumptions about treatment similarities problematic.
The methodology for this research was to combine quasi-experimental analysis of cultural awareness training courses, education theory analysis of training observations along with qualitative and empirical measures of police academy/agency cultures. Using the findings of these methodologies and comparing the similarities and differences between different police settings should lead to a deeper understanding about the elements needed for effective training on sexual orientation.

Solicitation of Participants
Peace Officers Standards and Training (POST) is the State of California commission responsible for the development and implementation of cultural awareness training standards in California police agencies and academies. As of this writing, POST has also trained over 130 personnel (representing over 120 different public safety agencies) in a two-year process to act as their agencies Cultural Awareness Facilitator (CAF). This training was designed to assist each agency in conducting an assessment of their cultural awareness needs. Later, 40-week intensive trainings (Train-the-Trainer) were given by POST to select members to act as cultural awareness trainers at their respective agency.
In soliciting participants for this study, I initially used my professional relationship with POST to garner their support. POST agreed to send my letter of solicitation to the more than 130 persons who had attended either the CAF or Train-the-Trainer programs. It was reasonable to start with these persons because of their responsibility for the cultural awareness programs at their agencies and hence, the sexual orientation training in which I was most interested.
From the initial solicitation, eleven agencies and/or academies showed interest in participating in the study. A second letter was sent to these agencies that described in greater detail the desire to conduct pre-/post-testing, agency and community interviews, classroom observations and a review of related documents. It was here, that I started to experience my first tastes of the complexities of police subculture. For example, one large agency initially agreed to every aspect of my request, then week by week called back with concerns over different parts of the study. At first they approved my assessment instrument, then they wanted parts of it removed. Increasingly more higher-level meetings took place, additional restrictions were placed on my access to students and training personnel. Finally, the agency backed out of the study altogether citing that even having an observer in the classroom would "still alter the confidential and safe atmosphere we strive to create for discussion dialogue. Cultural awareness training topics are often controversial and sensitive in nature; we encourage our personnel to express their feelings and discuss their ideas openly, without fear of retribution." Another large agency followed a similar path first agreeing to all aspects of the study, then slowly backing out. They claimed that having an observer in the classroom would be unacceptable because "many of the officers will be going into undercover work and we dont want anyone to be able to identify them." In these two cases, Part 4 of the assessment instrument that asks questions about gender, sexual and affectional identities seemed to cause the greatest concern. As one staff psychologist explained, "We are very protective of our recruits and officers and asking questions about their sexual orientation might be too much for them and could do them harm." I personally was astounded at these concerns. Police have the legal right to carry guns and to kill people, yet the assertion that asking questions about their sexual orientation on an anonymous questionnaire may be "too much for them and could do them harm" seems unbelievable to me.
In some of the community college based police academies, other reasons were given to decline my request to conduct research. Because students often came from many different police agencies, the colleges claimed that approval from the chiefs of each agency would be required before research could be conducted on their employees. Furthermore, it was claimed that approval would be required from the State (POST) or that the college had an ethics review board whose approval would be required. Finally, the request to have students fill-out questionnaires and/or other written assignments could not be required outside of class time because of conflict with the State Fair Labor Laws concerning unpaid work and of course, the instructors did not want any of their class time taken away with students answering research questionnaires. These four barriers were sufficient to block attempts to work with some academies. Interestingly, the community college based police academies that did participate in the research made no mention of these concerns.
Three of the agencies that declined to participate, did so because they felt that their existing program did not meet my needs. For them, training aimed specifically at sexual orientation was rarely conducted, and usually only in response to some community complaint. Their letters of declination were marked with embarrassment about the inadequacies of their programs.
In contrast, most of the agencies and academies (Hayward, Rio Hondo, San Diego, Fresno, San Francisco) that finally participated in this study were more than cooperative. All of them assigned an officer to assist me in getting to classes, making appointments with police personnel, contacting community members and scheduling Ride-Along. Also, police officers were assigned to escort me to the local gay/lesbian bars and waited while I conducted interviews with bar owners and patrons.

.c2.Overall Design

The final seven participating California agencies and academies represented very different settings, participants, training approaches, administrative commitment and relationships with their local gay and lesbian community. Sexual orientation trainings were observed at:
1. Two academies that were fully supported by large metropolitan police departments and trained only their employees.
2. One community college-based academy that was uniquely designed as a regional training center where staffing came from local participating police agencies.
3. One police agency was involved in training their entire staff and did so internally without use of a police academy.
4. A husband/wife team were observed teaching their cultural awareness training (CAT) program at two separate community college-based police academies.
5. I was a participant-observer when hired to teach sexual orientation training at a community college-based police academy and three different trainings are discussed.
Participation was voluntary and thereby most likely under-representative of California police agencies who have minimally implemented the legal requirements for cultural awareness training. Although this compromises the generalizability of the research findings, these sites probably reflect leading efforts to implement the state requirements and, as such, are most interested in cooperating with the research. Agencies and academies from the San Francisco Bay Area, San Joaquin Valley, Los Angeles and San Diego Counties volunteered to participate and represented communities ranging in population size from 88,000 to over 3 million.
At each agency, part or all of their cultural awareness training was observedparticularly the training on sexual orientation. Using the Isaacs & Michaels (1981) Design 1One Group PretestPost-test Design model for quasi-experimental research, assessment instruments were given training participants before and after sexual orientation training. These instruments included attitudinal, emotional, knowledge base, identities, and behavioral measures (described in the next section). Appropriate statistical tests were used to determine whether the difference attributed to the training was statistically significant.
Besides the quasi-experimental portion of the research, qualitative and empirical research was conducted in order to flesh out the meaning of the training experience. Each training was observed, training participants were asked to volunteer for interview, key informants were interviewed from the training staff and agency administration, police ride-along in the locales gay community were scheduled, interviews were conducted with leaders of the gay and lesbian community, and documents concerning training and the administrative implementation of cultural awareness programs we